Iranian president’s popularity waning, warns commentator

President Pezeshkian speaks both Torki (a Turkic language spoken in northwestern Iran and several other provinces) and Kurdish, his parents' native languages. He has been one of the few officials to advocate for granting official status to ethnic languages under Article 15 of the Constitution. In 2016, he was elected chairman of a parliamentary faction consisting of Torki-speaking lawmakers, with approximately 100 of the 290 members of Parliament joining the group at the time.

However, during Wednesday's debate, Pezeshkian's government representative, Kazem Delkhosh, sided with lawmakers opposing the motion. Delkhosh argued that the proposed plan would create challenges for the educational system, including hiring specialized teachers, and could spark disputes in ethnically diverse regions.

The motion, put forward by the Parliament’s Education Committee, sought to introduce two hours of ethnic literature studies in secondary schools on an optional basis. The proposal was rejected by 130 lawmakers, with 104 voting in favor and five abstaining.

Supporters of the motion cited the Iranian Constitution, which designates Persian as the official language but also guarantees the right to use regional and tribal languages in the media and to teach literature in schools. However, opponents expressed concerns about national unity. Mohammad-Mehdi Shahriari, one of the lawmakers who spoke against the motion, warned that it could "threaten the country’s territorial integrity and national unity.”

Conversely, Alireza Novin, a lawmaker from Tabriz—the capital of East Azerbaijan Province and a majority-Torki-speaking city—strongly criticized the notion that promoting ethnic languages could deepen divisions or endanger national security. During a fiery speech in Parliament, he denounced the argument as baseless.

In an interview with the local news outlet Asr-e Tabriz, Novin further accused presidential candidates of making empty promises regarding the constitutional recognition of ethnic languages. He argued that Pezeshkian's administration, at the very least, should have refrained from opposing the motion.

Amir Karimzad, the managing director of another local media outlet, also took to X (formerly Twitter) to criticize the stance expressed by the government's representative in the Parliament. He claimed that Parliament's rejection of the plan reflected "extremists' fear of the power of ethnic groups."

The decision sparked widespread outrage on social media, with many non-Persian speakers and advocates for mother-tongue education expressing frustration over Parliament's refusal to allow even a limited form of ethnic literature instruction in schools.

The debate over the motion took place just days after the UN-designated International Mother Language Day. On February 21, activists in several Torki- and Kurdish-speaking cities marked the occasion by distributing children’s books and leaflets to raise awareness of the importance of native-language education.

Meanwhile, some others have reported the arrest of Mohammad Asadi in Maragheh for handing out books written in Torki to children. Reports also surfaced that security forces summoned the administrators of a private school in Tabriz after they organized a children’s musical performance featuring songs in Torki at a shopping mall on February 21. Social media users reported that authorities had warned the school against such activities.

Ethnic language activists in Iran are frequently accused of promoting separatism and often face prosecution or imprisonment. Advocates argue that the exclusive use of Persian in education erodes cultural heritage and disadvantages children who do not speak Persian fluently or at all when they begin school.

There are no official statistics on the number of speakers of ethnic languages in Iran. However, languages such as Torki, Kurdish, and Balochi are spoken by millions across the country.

“The reality is that in an economy built on rent-seeking, where wealth depends on political connections, creativity has no place,” Mohammad-Javad Azari-Jahromi, who served as telecommunications minister under the Rouhani administration, told a gathering of fintech experts in Tehran.

As Iran’s oil-dependent economy has plunged into crisis over the past five years, local economists, some media outlets, and politicians have increasingly criticized the underlying system while also attributing the downturn to US sanctions.

The term “rent-seeking economy” is increasingly used in Iran to describe a system where politically influential individuals and entities secure economic privileges—such as government subsidies, lack of oversight, and market monopolies—to generate profits without contributing significantly to productivity.

A clear example is the Revolutionary Guard receiving over 30% of Iran’s crude oil for export, rather than relying solely on government budget allocations.

Jahromi implicitly referred to that when he said, “Certain entities can obtain oil under the pretext of bypassing sanctions and then decide whether or not to bring the revenue back. This approach is far easier than putting in the effort to create markets and provide services.”

The former minister explained that “In this rent-seeking environment, there is no incentive for individuals to pursue creativity. Ultimately, the system operates through intermediaries.”

Nearly all of Iran’s banks, automakers, petrochemical plants, steel producers, and various other industries are either government-owned or quasi-public, managed by a politically connected elite. Despite their inefficiency and mounting debts, these industries are deemed essential and remain heavily reliant on continuous government support.

Jahromi noted that banks use their capital to engage in the real estate sector instead of helping new industries. They also own many companies and lend money to their own enterprises instead of others.

“The economy is facing fundamental and obvious obstacles. In this situation, the workforce is migrating, and investment is scarce due to the high level of risk involved,” Jahromi said.

Speaking to reporters on the sidelines of a cabinet meeting, Araghchi also addressed Iran’s ongoing negotiations with European countries, saying that a new round of talks began in Geneva two days ago, focusing on nuclear issues and other matters.

Earlier in the day, former lawmaker Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh said on X that Lavrov came to Tehran with a message: “Russia and the United States have drawn common red lines for Iran in Riyadh."

Earlier this month, President Donald Trump announced the revitalization of sanctions under his “maximum pressure” policy. He underlined that his main demand is for Iran never to acquire nuclear weapons.

Iran, facing a serious economic crisis, needs to reach an agreement with the Trump administration if it wants to reduce or eliminate the sanctions, but Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei this month banned talks with Washington. Iranian officials insist that they will not negotiate under Trump’s pressure.

Araghchi added that discussions with Europe would continue despite their complexities, as several key questions remain unresolved.

Regarding his talks with Lavrov, Araghchi described them as extensive, covering a wide range of bilateral and regional issues.

He added that the Russian diplomat provided a detailed report on Moscow’s negotiations with Washington and other regional players.

Lavrov’s visit to Tehran sparked speculation in Iranian media about whether he is carrying a message from Washington or pushing Moscow’s own agenda at Iran’s expense.

Iranian media, analysts, and the public had closely scrutinized recent visits by high-ranking foreign officials to Tehran, including Lavrov and the Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, who met with Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei last week. These visits are widely interpreted as potential mediation efforts between Tehran and Washington or as channels for delivering messages from the Trump administration.

"Iran and Russia have appropriate capacities to strengthen cooperation with each other, and we are determined to strengthen the interactions between Tehran and Moscow," Pezeshkian said.

"Iran and Russia have similar views on regional issues and seek to strengthen their regional and international cooperation", he added.

Moscow was dealt a boost this month as Washington under Trump emphasized the swift ending of the war Ukraine and restoration of bilateral ties.

Tehran, mired in economic malaise, faces a trickier choice dealing with Trump, who has ruled out allowing Iran acquiring a nuclear bomb and said he wants a deal which Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has ruled out.

Pezeshkian also urged for expediting the implementation of agreements, especially a Comprehensive Strategic Agreement between the two countries.

Tehran and Moscow signed a long-term agreement in March 2001 which was initially set for a ten-year term but was extended twice, each time for five years. Despite prior discussions, similar promises to finalize a renewed treaty have remained unfulfilled.

Lavrov, who conveyed Russian President Vladimir Putin’s greetings to Pezeshkian, said: “Iran and Russia have many common interests in continuing effective regional cooperation with each other.”

In a press conference following separate discussions with Lavrov, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi ruled out direct negotiations with the United States over the country’s nuclear program.

"Regarding Iran's nuclear issue, we will move forward and coordinate our positions in cooperation with our friends in Russia and China," Araghchi said.

"Iran's position in the nuclear talks is completely clear, and we will not negotiate under pressure and sanctions. There is no possibility of direct negotiations between us and the US as long as maximum pressure is being applied in this manner," he added.

Tehran’s envoy to Moscow, Kazem Jalali, also said the discussions specifically covered the nuclear issue and joint approaches in the field.

Tehran and Moscow say Lavrov and his Iranian counterpart, Abbas Araghchi, will discuss mutual relations, trade, and economic cooperation, as well as key international issues, including the situation in Syria, during the one-day visit.

The visit follows discussions in Ankara on Monday and comes just a week after his meeting with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Riyadh.

Delivering a message from the United States to Iran?

Iranian media, analysts, and the public have closely scrutinized recent visits by high-ranking foreign officials to Tehran, including Lavrov and the Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, who met with Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei last week. These visits are widely interpreted as potential mediation efforts between Tehran and Washington or as channels for delivering messages from the Trump administration.

A commentary published Tuesday by Iran’s official news agency, IRNA, acknowledged that the purpose of Lavrov’s visit might extend beyond the official agenda. However, it argued that many experts doubt Lavrov is carrying a direct message from the Trump administration. Instead, it suggested that Lavrov might share his assessment of Washington’s approach to Iran and relay Iran’s desired roadmap back to the US in a similar manner.

The commentary also speculated that Lavrov could be conveying Moscow’s own message to Tehran, warning against shifting Iran’s nuclear doctrine or withdrawing from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), as some Iranian ultra-hardliners advocate.

Speaking to the reformist Etemad daily, foreign policy analyst Abdolreza Faraji-Rad cast doubt on the likelihood of Lavrov delivering a direct US message to Tehran.

If such a message were being conveyed, he suggested it might involve Washington offering a temporary reduction in “maximum pressure” sanctions—reimposed by Trump’s executive order on January 20—in exchange for Iran agreeing to direct negotiations over its nuclear program.

Others suggested that Lavrov is simply planning to inform the Islamic Republic about its changing relations with the Trump administration and Ukraine negotiations.

Concerns about Iran being used by Russia as a bargaining chip

Some Iranian media and analysts warned that Iran could be betrayed by Russia and become a bargaining chip in potential negotiations between the Trump and Putin administrations, particularly regarding the Ukraine conflict.

A commentary published Tuesday by Khabar Online, a news outlet close to former conservative Parliament Speaker Ali Larijani, compared Lavrov’s recent meeting with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, and the planned Trump-Putin meeting compared by some to the Yalta Conference of February 1945, which reshaped global geopolitics. The article warned that “Iran is also in danger.”

Khabar Online also quoted former chairman of the Iranian Parliament’s National Security and Foreign Policy Commission, Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh, who argued that Iran is merely a bargaining chip in these negotiations. “I am concerned that Iran may be sacrificed for peace [in Ukraine],” he stated.

Reza Taghizadeh, a Glasgow-based Iranian political commentator, echoed similar concerns on X, speculating that “Lavrov's goal in Tehran is to convince the Islamic Republic to surrender its nuclear program and disband the ‘axis of resistance’ in exchange for avoiding an Israeli military attack and blocking [its] oil exports! … Are the Russians securing [concessions from the US over] Ukraine while offering up Iran [in return]?”