Pezeshkian says new hijab law cannot be enforced

In a televised address, Masoud Pezeshkian admitted that in spite of promises that prices would not rise and that there would be no foreign exchange allocated for gasoline imports, it was a necessary means to manage in the worst recession since the founding of the Islamic Republic in 1979.

"When the allocation of foreign exchange is not compensated, gasoline prices will inevitably rise," he said.

He highlighted the financial strain posed by gasoline imports, citing a potential budget deficit that would harm low-income groups through inflation, referring to a shortage of foreign currency earnings that limit the government's ability to finance imports.

In the past six years, since the United States re-introduced oil export sanctions, the government has been forced to print more money that has pushed annual inflation to above 40%.

“When we allocate dollars to import gasoline, it leads to a budget deficit, resulting in inflation that harms low-income groups. By doing this, we exert pressure on them,” he added.

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On Tuesday, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Speaker of the Parliament, countered by asserting that pricing petroleum products is the government’s responsibility.

“Let the government do its job, and we will not interfere,” he added.

The debate occurs while there are broader concerns over Iran's "energy imbalance," a term Pezeshkian used to describe the country's shortages in gas, electricity, and water.

During the interview on Monday, he stressed that unsustainable energy consumption, coupled with heavy subsidies amounting to $130-$150 billion annually, burdens the economy.

“This equates to 900 million rials [$1,300] per capita,” he said, emphasizing the incompatibility of current energy needs with production capacity.

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Economy Minister Abdolnaser Hemmati also echoed concerns about shortages on Tuesday, pointing to rampant gasoline smuggling and the financial toll of imports.

Speaking at an insurance conference, Hemmati said: "Whenever we discuss this, people say we intend to increase gasoline prices. No logic accepts this massive gasoline smuggling while we are forced to import gasoline ourselves.

"As long as I am the Minister of Economy..., I will do my utmost to combat these rent-seeking practices. It is time for reforms. We must address the imbalances once and for all."

The potential for a gasoline price hike has sparked discussions ahead of next year’s budget approval, with parliament members divided. Some warned that such a move could provoke political unrest, reminiscent of the November 2019 protests following steep price increases during Hassan Rouhani's presidency.

Pezeshkian has consistently highlighted energy shortages, particularly around gasoline. His remarks that $5 billion is spent annually on imports contrast with figures from Tasnim News Agency, affiliated with the IRGC, which said last year’s total was $2 billion.

State-run news outlets, including IRNA and ISNA, framed the visits as briefings on foreign policy and regional developments, highlighting Araghchi's portrayal of the recent ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah as a victory for Hezbollah and a defeat for Israel.

This outreach to senior Shiite clerics, or Grand Ayatollahs, aims to shore up support from the country's ultra-hardliners, suggesting that negotiations with the West do not compromise the Islamic Republic’s ideological principles which have so long spoken of the West as the enemy.

The general public largely backs negotiations for potential financial relief in exchange for political, military, or nuclear concessions, no longer seek reassurance from clerics, many believing their influence has waned due to the Islamic government’s mismanagement of the economy and overall decline.

Recent protests by teachers and pensioners, as well as widespread demonstrations since 2018, have seen calls for the government to prioritize domestic issues over foreign commitments such as the wars in Lebanon and Gaza, led by Iran's military allies around the region.

The clerics Araghchi met are elderly and often in poor health, with their public statements typically prepared by aides. Ayatollah Abdollah Javadi Amoli (born 1933), the youngest of the group, highlighted the importance of valuing Iran’s human resources over its oil and gas wealth. Notably, he is the only cleric among the four who has previously addressed the financial struggles of Iranians and urged the government to take action.

In a public statement, Ayatollah Hossein Nouri Hamadani (born 1925) emphasized strengthening the "axis of resistance," or Iran's military allies around the region, warning against trusting Israel’s ceasefire promises in the deal with Iran's most powerful ally Hezbollah in Lebanon.

He also called for bolstering Syria in its fight against ‘takfiris,’ a term Shiites often use to describe Sunni Muslim extremists as the country now descends deeper into civil war.

Ayatollah Nasser Makarem Shirazi (born 1926) also publicly cautioned against trusting the United States and the West, urging the government to assist Lebanon and Gaza in rebuilding areas damaged by Israeli attacks since war broke out last year following Iran-backed Hamas's invasion of Israel.

Large swathes of Lebanon and Gaza have been razed as Hezbollah and Hamas bury their military infrastructure within civilian areas, which has led to the deaths of thousands amid the war under Israeli bombardment.

Ayatollah Jafar Sobhani (born 1929) made no public statements, and ISNA reported that Araghchi also met with a representative of Iraqi Shiite leader Ayatollah Ali Sistani in Qom.

On the same day, Friday prayer leaders offered contrasting takes on diplomacy. Ahmad Alamolhoda, the hardline cleric in Mashhad, questioned the value of negotiations with Europe and criticized talks with the United Kingdom, France and Germany who were recently behind a censure resolution against the Islamic Republic.

In Tehran, Friday prayer leader Mohsen Aboutorabi-Fard struck a more conciliatory tone, suggesting that if the West alters its behavior, negotiations could proceed based on mutual respect and recognition of Iran’s interests. However, it comes as Donald Trump prepares to take office for the second time, with a "maximum pressure" approach to Iran likely on the agenda.

The outreach to Qom clerics underscores the government’s attempt to navigate internal political pressures while addressing ever-growing external challenges. As the foreign minister was meeting with the Grand Ayatollahs, Syrian rebels began a surprise offensive against Iranian and Syrian government forces, swiftly capturing Syria’s second largest city, Aleppo, and threatening Iran’s 13-year presence in the country.

“After 35 years of Khamenei's rule, Iranians enjoy neither development nor prosperity; they have neither freedom nor justice,” he said in his letter shared with several media outlets.

Frequently described as a reformist, the activist’s letter follows the issuance of an additional six-year prison sentence by Tehran's Revolutionary Court.

Judge Abolqasem Salavati handed down the sentence on charges of “assembly and collusion against national security” and “propaganda against the system.” Salvati has been sanctioned by the US, for overseeing “the Iranian regime’s miscarriage of justice in show trials.”

This marks the third conviction issued against Tajzadeh since 2009.

Fakhrossadat Mohtashamipour, his wife and fellow activist, confirmed the news through a Telegram channel linked to the political activist.

She criticized the judiciary’s alignment with security forces, particularly the Islamic Revolutionary Guards’ Intelligence Organization, which she claimed orchestrated the charges.

In his letter, Tajzadeh argued the country’s economic struggles and international isolation stem from Khamenei's anti-American policies and his aggressive regional strategy, which is centered on the so-called Resistance Front.

The letter painted a grim picture of Iran’s trajectory, with the activist saying that systemic failures have eroded national sovereignty and public trust.

He argued that Khamenei’s leadership style—marked by suppression of dissent and reliance on a loyalist minority—has created a governance crisis.

“The Leader has surrounded himself with individuals who refrain from telling him the truth—either out of fear or opportunism,” Tajzadeh added.

He emphasized that the issues facing Iran are deeply entrenched in Khamenei’s policies, warning that no government could succeed under the current approach.

Tajzadeh also called for the removal of the Supreme Leader’s role from Iran’s Constitution, describing it as a harmful innovation deviating from Shia traditions.

He framed this change as essential for enabling democratic governance and resolving Iran’s enduring challenges.

“The concept of the Supreme Leader must be removed to enable democratic politics,” he wrote, saying that the current governance model has failed to resonate even within the Muslim world.

Tajzadeh’s comments reflect growing dissatisfaction among Iranian civil society, marked by years of protests and dissent.

The executions included 127 men, 4 women, and a juvenile, with 11 Afghan nationals among those put to death, US-based rights group Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA) reported on Monday. Additionally, 37 individuals were sentenced to death, including 68 for drug-related offenses.

Fourteen fresh death sentences in political cases last month also indicated the ruling theocracy was determined to make a strong example of participants in the Woman, Life, Freedom protests which began in 2022.

166 people were executed in October in the deadliest month of 2024 so far, rights groups say.

Of those executed in November, one man was executed after surviving a previous execution in April.

On November 13, Iran put Ahmad Alizadeh to death in a prison outside Tehran for the second time on a murder charge. According to Oslo-based Iran Human Rights, Alizadeh, who was charged with murder, had previously been hanged for 28 seconds but was resuscitated at the plaintiffs' request.

Earlier in the month, Iran executed the first member of its Jewish minority in 30 years, Arvin Ghahremani, for the alleged murder of another man following a monetary dispute.

Woman Life Freedom activists sentenced to death

Six political prisoners were sentenced to death by Tehran’s Revolutionary Court in a joint case on charges of "armed rebellion" for allegedly belonging to "anti-regime groups," HRANA reported Monday.

The defendants — Akbar Daneshvar Kar, Mohammad Taghavi Sang-Dehi, Babak Alipour, Pouya Ghobadi Bistoni, Vahid Bani-Amerian, and Abolhassan Montazer — were sentenced to death.

In the same case, two other prisoners — Ali and Mojtaba Taghavi Sang-Dehi — were sentenced to prison, bringing the total prison term for all eight defendants to 54 years, along with 20 years of exile.

In northeastern Iran, prisoner Mohammad Mehdi-S was sentenced to death for allegedly fatally stabbing Basij member Rasoul Doost-Mohammadi during the 2022 protests in the city of Mashhad, HRANA said.

Mehdi-S, whose full name has not been disclosed, denied the charges. The court also sentenced him to 74 lashes, payment of blood money and two-and-a-half years in prison for possessing explosives.

Iran’s 2022 protests, sparked by the death of Mahsa Amini in police custody in September 2022, led to the detention of thousands.

In a high profile case in mid-November this year, Tehran’s Criminal Court sentenced six individuals connected to the 2022 protests in the Ekbatan neighborhood to death.

The defendants — Milad Armoon, Alireza Kafaei, Amir Mohammad Khosheghbal, Navid Najaran, Hossein Nemati, and Alireza Barmarzpournak — were accused of allegedly participating in the killing of Basij member Arman Ali Verdi during the Women Life Freedom uprising.

Similarly, political prisoner Mehrab Abdollahzadeh has been sentenced to death by the Revolutionary Court in Urmia, Hengaw reported on Friday.

The rights group said the sentence stems from allegations linking Abdollahzadeh to the killing of another Basij member during the 2022 Woman, Life, Freedom protests and added that he was tortured during his detention.

Women's rights activist Varisheh Moradi was also sentenced to death by Tehran's Revolutionary Court on charges of "armed rebellion." The court cited her alleged affiliation with the Free Life Party of Kurdistan (PJAK) as the basis for the sentence.

Rights groups have condemned the judicial process in these cases, citing a lack of due process, confessions coerced through torture and the targeting of political prisoners and protesters.

November's high number of executions and death penalties underscores the ongoing repercussions of the 2022 Woman, Life, Freedom protests and authorities' efforts to silence dissent through capital punishment.

This surge in executions is part of a broader trend. Last year, Iran executed at least 853 individuals, marking the highest number in eight years according to Amnesty International.

In response to Iran International’s inquiry about how the new "Hijab and Chastity" bill will affect daily life in Iran, hundreds of voice messages from within the country reveal widespread frustration. Many of the respondents connected the legislation to broader grievances about the government’s misplaced priorities.

The 'Hijab and Chastity' bill has been approved by both Parliament and the Guardian Council and is now awaiting formal enactment by key officials, including the President. Meanwhile, enforcement of existing hijab regulations has intensified, with high-profile cases highlighting the state’s continued focus on regulating women’s public behavior.

To protect respondents from potential retaliation by Iranian authorities, their names have been withheld.

Many respondents accused the Islamic Republic of using the new law to deflect attention from its domestic failures. They also condemned the state’s financial and military support for allies like Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and groups labeled as terrorist organizations, including Hezbollah and Hamas, saying that prioritizing these entities has long neglected the urgent and enduring needs of Iranian citizens.

The new hijab law imposes fines for repeated violations. Women receiving two text message warnings may face fines up to $213 (150 million rials). Fines escalate to $2,347 (1.65 billion rials) for severe breaches. Those who fail to pay may be barred from accessing administrative, financial, and social services.

One individual alleged the government exploits women through these hijab fines to fund its proxy forces, telling Iran International: "You fired the missiles, Hezbollah used up the ammunition, Hamas’s entire weapons system was destroyed, and its warehouses were wiped out. Now, you’ve put all of it on the tab of Iran’s women and girls. This is not a hijab law—this is outright theft from the people, plain and simple, in broad daylight, and through women."

State officials have long maintained that the current hijab law, as well as the new one, is essential for upholding Islamic values and preserving societal morality. Mandatory hijab regulations were first enforced following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, with formal implementation beginning in 1983.

Another individual connected the law to frustrations over Iran’s domestic and foreign policies, describing it as a distraction from the government’s failures. They asserted, "The Islamic Republic has lost Syria and Lebanon, has nothing else left, and has been humiliated in the global community. Now, it wants to take out its frustration on the people of Iran. The disgraceful hijab bill was passed by representatives who are not representatives of the people. Half of the society did not vote for them, and they represent the corrupt system of the Islamic Republic. This bill has been written based on the governments and laws of extremist regimes like the Taliban and ISIS. They claim to be separate from them, but they are the same—part of those cursed and condemned extremists."

In several voice messages, Iranians described the financial penalties as a cynical attempt to extract revenue from citizens. They argued that the fines are simply a means for a financially struggling government to generate income.

"The real issue here is money. They are only interested in extorting people by any means possible. Just look at these past few years—they have tried to extract money from people in every way imaginable…Now, they have realized that the women and girls of Iran are standing firm and will not surrender, they thought to pass some ridiculous laws to at least make some profit out of this," one individuals said.

With average monthly salaries in Iran ranging between $170 and $200, respondents also criticized the fines as unrealistic and infeasible.

"Look at the situation of the Iranian people today—thanks to the system they have created, how many of them even have that amount in their accounts? How do they expect people to pay such fines? Even those who might have this money will not give it to them," one respondent said.

Another Iranian pointed out the challenges of imposing fines in a context where economic hardships prevent many from affording basic necessities, arguing: "These actions regarding hijab are not laws. This is coercion. They realized they could not enforce it with the morality police, violence, and all the other measures. Now they have resorted to imposing fines. They have involved themselves in such matters while ignoring more critical issues. By God, they should care about the people's food and medicine.Yesterday, I went to the pharmacy, and I swear there was hardly any medicine available... People are crushed under the weight of this unbearable cost of living."

For many respondents, the new hijab law seemed to reflect the state’s continued emphasis on social control over addressing urgent issues such as inflation, medicine shortages, and declining living standards.

According to the law, vehicles involved in hijab violations can be impounded for up to a week. For individuals who rely on their vehicles for their livelihood, this has devastating consequences.

"The hijab and chastity law is just one of the things that has severely affected me. For a week now, they have impounded my car in the parking lot. They have taken away my livelihood. I am a driver who can no longer afford my expenses," one citizen said.

The law encourages and allows citizens to report hijab violations through a police-managed platform, raising concerns for some Iranians about its broader societal impact.

Some Iranians also argued that the law’s divisive and oppressive nature is yet another tool by the state to suppress dissent.

“The people will not tolerate oppression, nor will they betray one another. Why would they? These authorities think freedom is just about hijab, but they fail to understand that the freedom we demand is also about ending inflation and making life affordable,” said one respondent.

Despite the law's provisions, many citizens told Iran International that they will resist its enforcement.

One individual emphasized the need for collective action: "We, the people, must oppose this disgraceful bill in any way we can—through hashtags, phone calls, strikes, protests—whatever means we have."

Others warned that the government’s focus on such laws could backfire: "Even the Islamic Republic knows that with this bill, and just one week of its implementation, it has dug its own grave. Enough is enough."

Many Iranians argued the government is increasingly disconnected from its people's priorities, while it is increasingly reliant on coercion to maintain control. Some also suggested that the enforcement of the law could potentially become a catalyst for further dissent.

The law is scheduled to be referred to President Masoud Pezeshkian on December 13, who will have five days to sign and implement it.