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INSIGHT

‘Why bother going?’ Tehran’s moderates knock Pezeshkian's UN trip

Maryam Sinaiee
Maryam Sinaiee

Iran International

Sep 25, 2025, 16:54 GMT+1Updated: 00:35 GMT

President Masoud Pezeshkian’s speech at the United Nations drew an unusual split in Tehran: while conservatives and hardliners rallied behind him, many of his moderate supporters voiced sharp disappointment.

Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf hailed Pezeshkian on X, saying he conveyed “the dignity and power of the Iranian nation at the UN” and exposed Israel as “child-killers.”

Ultra-hardliner Amir-Hossein Sabeti thanked him for recalling “the Zionist regime’s crimes,” while fellow lawmaker Hamid Rasaei called the address “worthy, good and influential.”

In his speech to the UN General Assembly on Wednesday, Pezeshkian denounced Israeli raids on Iran’s nuclear facilities in June as illegal and blasted European powers for triggering the return of UN sanctions.

“His duty was to deliver the nation’s positions to the world,” one pro-government user commented on Ghalibaf’s post. “Thank God he passed this test of Western charlatanism.”

‘Wish you didn’t go’

Moderates and reformists, by contrast, were left underwhelmed.

Former Chamber of Commerce head Hossein Selahvarzi dismissed the trip as pointless. “So far, the outcome of the New York trip can be summed up in one sentence: ‘Being there so that we weren’t absent.’”

Prominent academic Sadegh Zibakalam directly addressed Pezeshkian: “Mr. President, after the Leader’s speech yesterday, what was left for you to say in New York? I wish you hadn’t gone—unless you intended to say something different.”

Others offered a more tempered defense.

Prominent centrist and former editor Mohammad Atrianfar compared Pezeshkian’s remarks to former president Khatami’s early UN addresses, calling them “clear, meaningful, and forward-looking … consistent with the Leader’s instructions.”

Maziar Balaei of the Etemad Melli Party said that given recent Israeli and US military actions, “it was in fact a good address.”

‘Not our representative’

Some critics also objected to the president’s choice of symbolism.

By holding up photos of Iranians killed in the 12-day war with Israel, they argued, he ignored violence inside Iran.

“I wish the Iranian people also had a representative at the UN who held up the pictures of the children Khamenei killed and showed them to the world,” one user wrote.

A viewer told Iran International in a video message: “Who killed Kian Pirfalak, Hamidreza Rouhi, Hadis Najafi and the Zahedan worshippers? If there is justice, it must first be applied for the people of Iran before you talk about Lebanon and Palestine.”

‘Little impact’

Outside observers were skeptical of the speech’s significance.

Turkey-based analyst Rouhollah Rahimpour described it as “a softer and more diplomatic version of Khamenei’s harsh stance,” noting that Pezeshkian avoided taking a position on negotiations with the US.

On X, he added: “What is left unsaid matters as much as what is said … rejecting talks with one hand while reaching for them with the other.”

Germany-based analyst Ahmad Pourmandi was harsher, calling Khamenei’s remarks ahead of the trip “the final blow to fading hopes of resolving the snapback crisis.”

Pezeshkian’s mission, Pourmandi added, “was the final nail in the coffin of normalization—deepening Iran’s crisis and its march toward war.”

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History repeating itself? Khamenei risks another 'poison chalice' moment

Sep 24, 2025, 01:00 GMT+1
•
Behrouz Turani

In Tehran today, debate over Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s hardline stance on nuclear negotiations carries an unmistakable echo of the end of Iran’s eight-year war with Iraq in 1988.

Then, as now, Iran faced a grinding impasse: Supreme Leader Ruhollah Khomeini resisted UN Resolution 598 which called for an end to hostilities until the cost of defiance became unbearable.

The resolution, passed on July 20, 1987, demanded a ceasefire, prisoner exchanges and a return to recognized borders.

Saddam Hussein accepted immediately. Khomeini refused, vowing that “the war should continue until the end of all seditions in the world.”

Washington warned of sanctions, and then-President Ali Khamenei told the UN General Assembly Iran was “determined to punish the aggressor.”

‘Poison chalice’

The war dragged on another year, draining finances and costing thousands more lives.

By August 1988, even then-Revolutionary Guards commander Mohsen Rezai conceded it was unsustainable. Morale had collapsed, tens of thousands were dead and Iran’s military capabilities shattered.

Khomeini finally relented, confessing that accepting Resolution 598 was “more deadly than drinking from a poisoned chalice.”

The phrase became a metaphor for concessions made too late, when pride collides with reality.

That poisoned chalice haunts Iran again.

No turning back

After the 12-day war with Israel, many in Tehran urged the leadership to abandon uranium enrichment and open direct talks with Washington, arguing only such a step can relieve Iran’s economic misery.

Yet Khamenei remains unmoved, caught between hardliners demanding defiance and moderates pleading for pragmatism.

Fond of channeling his predecessor, Khamenei had likened agreeing to a 2015 nuclear deal as drinking from that same poison chalice.

The IAEA continues to demand answers on uranium reserves. The Trump administration insists Iran’s nuclear program has been dismantled and warns against escalation.

Israel, emboldened by its strikes on Tehran and regional proxies, demands not only an end to Iran’s missile program but at times even regime change. Europe has its own conditions for halting or delaying the snapback of sanctions.

'Slap in the face'

On Tuesday, on the eve of President Masoud Pezeshkian’s address to the UN General Assembly, Khamenei poured cold water on any hope of reconciliation, effectively torpedoing the president’s diplomatic message before it was delivered.

Doubling down on a red line, he declared: “Negotiating with the United States under the current conditions carries harms for Iran, some of which are irreparable ... This is not negotiation, this is dictation.”

Hours earlier, Trump had mocked him at the UN as Iran’s “so-called” Supreme Leader. Khamenei shot back that Iranians would “give a slap in the face to the person" making arrogant demands of Iran.

Inside Iran, moderates call for dialogue, while hardliners close to Khamenei, including the editor of the state-funded Kayhan newspaper, deride them as “kissing Trump's bottom.”

The result is paralysis.

For Khamenei, the options appear stark: war or negotiation. A years-old quote of his "neither war nor negotiation" was not long ago plastered as a mural on a Tehran high-rise. But history suggests delay carries its own cost.

In 1988, the poisoned chalice was forced upon Khomeini only after Iran’s military was exhausted, its economy shattered, and its people demoralized.

Today, the risk is that Khamenei repeats the same mistake—clinging to defiance until the only choice left is abject humiliation.

Coupons and concerts: Tehran scrambles for quick fixes as sanctions loom

Sep 23, 2025, 16:15 GMT+1
•
Behrouz Turani

Officials in Tehran are scrambling to blunt the impact of impending UN sanctions later this month and avert another popular flare-up that even insiders warn is near.

Among the proposals floated by politicians and economists are issuing coupons or smart ration cards to placate the public—especially the younger generation.

Efforts to introduce coupons began nearly a decade ago but stalled as rival factions in parliament and the cabinet fought over control of lucrative contracts.

In recent weeks, however, the idea has regained traction, with President Masoud Pezeshkian publicly backing it.

“We have no choice but to raise prices as subsidies on fuel and other goods are cut,” Pezeshkian said last week. “Issuing coupons will help low-income workers afford essential items.”

The system was used successfully during the 1980s war with Iraq, and many Iranians still credit then-prime minister Mir Hossein Mousavi, who is now under house arrest for nearly 15 years for leading protests against the disputed 2009 election.

‘A silent crisis’

Analysts in Tehran predict another spike in exchange rates once sanctions return on September 27. The government is expected to face a severe shortage of hard currency as oil sales become increasingly difficult.

Tehran’s priority appears to be containing unrest.

On September 18, Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref instructed the Tax Office to ease pressure on businesses and “avoid making people feel oppressed by the government.”

Many firms have already shuttered in recent months due to prolonged power outages and water shortages.

Just hours before the UN vote to reinstate sanctions last week, the reformist website Rouydad24 ran a headline warning of “A Silent Crisis in Iran.”

“Persistent economic problems … and limited access to basic services like electricity and water have severely impacted daily life, fostered a sense of despair and eroded public trust in the government,” the editorial said.

‘Bread riots’

Several academics, including political scientist Ahmad Naghibzadeh and sociologist Taghi Azad Armaki, have warned of “blind protests” and “bread riots” as public dissatisfaction reaches a boiling point.

Yet as economic warnings mount, officials have leaned on cultural gestures many see as unserious.

One initiative was a proposed free-for-all concert by renowned vocalist Homayoun Shajarian at Tehran’s iconic Azadi Square. Hardliners blocked the event, citing security concerns, and also vetoed a proposed indoor venue.

Wooing exiled artists

Once the resolution to extend Iran’s sanctions relief was voted down, government officials floated another gesture: inviting Iranian expatriate singers in Los Angeles to return to Tehran.

“I know that some of them in Los Angeles are struggling financially,” Vice President Aref said. “I invite them to come back freely.”

The administration’s spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani insisted groundwork was being laid for such a move: “God forbid we end up only seeing their bodies brought back to Iran,” she told reporters on Tuesday. “They should be able to come home while they’re alive.”

Since 1979, Los Angeles has been a hub for Iranian musicians, many banned from working in Iran, stripped of homes and assets, and still censored despite their music being widely played in cars, weddings,and parties. Most are now elderly, many no longer able to perform.

No artist has yet responded. Some young users have—wryly.

“You can’t fool the new generation,” one commented on the vice president’s remark. “Even if you brought Lady Gaga to Tehran, she couldn’t make people forget their financial hardships.”

Tehran’s divide on Pezeshkian’s trip to the UN in ten quotes

Sep 23, 2025, 07:33 GMT+1
•
Behrouz Turani

Debate has erupted in Iran over President Masoud Pezeshkian’s upcoming trip to the UN General Assembly in New York, with politicians, clerics and commentators split on whether he should meet Donald Trump or avoid the risk.

Here are ten of the sharpest takes.

1. Make history

Former Tehran mayor Gholamhossein Karbaschi:

“If Pezeshkian wishes to be remembered honorably by history, this is the time for it.”One reader commented: “Should he seek authorization to negotiate—or permission to surrender?”

2. Last chance for diplomacy

Political commentator Ali Bigdeli:

“Pezeshkian’s presence in New York is Iran’s last chance for diplomacy. If he goes empty-handed, he would be better off staying home than attending the UNGA.”

3. Only if Trump asks

Former lawmaker Ali Motahari:

“If Trump asks for a meeting with Pezeshkian, our president should accept for the sake of national interests, despite Trump’s hypocrisy and lies. Perhaps Trump’s ambition to take credit for everything could work in Iran’s favor.”

4. Negotiation is fantasy

Mohammad Mehdi Imanipour, head of the Islamic Culture and Communication Organization:

“Holding talks with Trump and similar ideas are fantasy. This is a precious opportunity to tell the world about the 12-day war with Israel and to make clear that Iran was attacked while pursuing peaceful negotiations.”

5. Don’t count on China, Russia

Political commentator Qasem Mohebali:

“It is wise to reach an agreement with the West now. We can renegotiate later from a position of strength. The most China and Russia would do for us is preserve the status quo.”

6. Seek the Leader’s backing

Reformist figure Mohammad Atrianfar:

“If Pezeshkian wants to change the current trajectory of negotiations, he must create a turning point by doing something new. If he secures Khamenei’s backing, he could even hold direct talks with Trump and seize the opportunity to serve the country’s interests.”

7. Don’t meet E3 leaders

Conservative commentator Nasser Imani:

“Pezeshkian should strictly avoid meetings with the leaders of the three countries that activated the trigger mechanism against Iran … The US and European leaders undermined not only international law but also the very organizations they themselves created.”

8. Avert UN sanctions

An editorial in the moderate daily Ham Mihan:

“(We should) not take the risky path toward sanctions. It is not true that it can do no further harm … We are masters of wasting time and missing opportunities.”

9. Do what you believe is right

Another Ham Mihan editorial:

“Do what you honestly believe is essential for the public good and the country’s survival. Never think in terms of personal interests. Do not fear criticism, and avoid later saying you wanted to act differently but were not allowed.”

10. For a picture only

Hardline figure Abdollah Ganji, former editor of the IRGC’s Javan daily:

“Two countries that have fought each other—and one of them has imposed over 3,000 sanctions on the other—cannot negotiate like this.”

Ganji branded moderates “shameless,” accusing them of seeking to put Pezeshkian “in the same picture with Trump for a moment regardless of the result.”

'Romantic illusion': Could Pezeshkian and Trump meet at the UN?

Sep 22, 2025, 15:44 GMT+1
•
Maryam Sinaiee

Moderates are pushing for President Masoud Pezeshkian to meet Donald Trump at the United Nations in hopes of easing mounting pressure on Iran, but entrenched hardline opposition makes such a breakthrough highly unlikely.

That pressure is set to intensify with the automatic return of UN sanctions on September 28, unless a last-minute diplomatic breakthrough materializes.

Amid decades of bitter discord following the 1979 Iranian Reovlution, no US President has ever met his Iranian counterpart. US President Barack Obama spoke with President Hassan Rouhani by phone while the latter was in New York in 2013.

Reformists argue the question is not whether Pezeshkian should meet Trump, but whether he can secure Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s mandate to resume the pursuit of a nuclear deal. Without it, they say, the trip risks becoming another empty exercise.

“If the trip is going to be like last year or like those of past presidents, it is better not to go,” former Tehran mayor Gholamhossein Karbaschi told the moderate outlet Jamaran.

“If they want real change, he must first go to the Leader and other decision-makers and secure the necessary powers. Then he can meet senior American, European and regional officials.”

‘Courage required’

The reformist daily Sazandegi ran the headline “A Speech Is Not Enough,” urging Pezeshkian to act decisively.

Prominent centrist figure Hossein Marashi argued in an editorial that only “courageous decisions” could help avoid renewed sanctions.

Other moderates, including Amir Eghtenaei and Mohammad Atrianfar, pressed for clarity from Khamenei before departure, warning that without it the trip would yield “only repetitive words in routine meetings.”

Reformist author Abbas Abdi went further In Tehran’s other moderate daily, Etemad: unless Pezeshkian resolves the matter at home, he argued, the UN visit will be “pure loss.”

“When you return,” Abdi warned, “we should know whether the person who went to the UN was Pezeshkian representing the Iranian nation, or merely a shadow of his rivals wearing his clothes.”

‘Romantic illusion’

The "rivals" have of course been hard at work to head off any grand gestures in New Yorkk.

Kayhan, funded by the Supreme Leader’s office, derided the proposal as a “childish prescription” that would send a message of weakness.

In a biting editorial, it accused reformists of being so servile to the United States they would “probably even kiss Trump’s seat if asked.”

Javan, the IRGC-linked daily, called the idea “banana peels under Pezeshkian’s feet,” reminding readers that Trump himself tore up the 2015 nuclear deal.

Even the more measured Farhikhtegan said Washington has shown “no willingness to talk to Iran,” branding reformist hopes “romantic illusions.”

The past speaks

Analyst Amirali Abolfath told the moderate daily Ham-Mihan that even if Pezeshkian and Trump met, “just as Trump’s meetings with Putin or his letters to Kim Jong-un did not change US policy, this will not either.”

Others warned of humiliation.

President Trump could treat Pezeshkian as he did Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelensky, hardline journalist Pouyan Hosseinpour warned, “reducing the encounter to a moment of spectacle.”

This hardline consensus mirrors earlier UNGA seasons, when moderate presidents Mohammad Khatami and Hassan Rouhani likewise floated engagement but bowed to resistance at home.

The likely outcome is the same: no meeting, and a course set for confrontation as snapback sanctions take hold.

'All engines of Iran’s growth have stopped' - Iranian business newspaper

Sep 22, 2025, 12:58 GMT+1

Iran’s goal of achieving 8% economic growth, a key target of its seventh five-year development plan, faces steep hurdles, with economists warning that key drivers such as investment, productivity, and financing are faltering, the daily Samt reported on Monday.

“Economic growth requires prerequisites such as a favorable business environment, sound economic governance, access to technology and adequate financing. Each of these can be likened to an engine powering growth. The problem is that none of these engines are running,” wrote the paper, which covers industry, mining and trade.

According to the report, the government’s latest decree estimates Iran would need nearly 80 quadrillion rials (about $80 billion) in combined private, public and cooperative investment in the current Iranian year (started on March 21) to hit the 8% target, factoring in capital depreciation, labor contributions and productivity gains. Current financing plans leave a shortfall of about 27.9 quadrillion rials (about $28 billion).

The report listed funding sources ranging from banks and capital markets to foreign investment, the sovereign wealth fund and private savings. But it warned that reliance on public budgets and banks alone is insufficient.

Economist Vahid Shaghaghi-Shahri told the paper: “At present all our engines of economic growth have not only stalled but are working in reverse. In this context, even preventing negative growth should be considered an achievement.”

He cited housing, oil revenues and productivity as sectors in decline, while financial channels needed to supply about $200 billion annually are blocked by sanctions, low investor confidence and structural weaknesses.

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Another economist, Mehdi Pazouki, argued that “without economic health no rational investor will commit to Iran.”

He said previous development programs had all set 8% growth targets that were never achieved. “When energy shortages restrict production and the business climate is hostile, such a goal is at best rhetorical,” he told the paper.

Both experts stressed the need for international engagement and domestic reforms. Pazouki said: “For meaningful growth we must first restore international relations and improve the business environment. Otherwise, capital will continue to flow abroad instead of into domestic industry.”

The report comes amid starkly different official data. Iran’s Central Bank recently announced growth of more than 3% in 2024, comparing Iran favorably to the US and eurozone, while the IMF in May projected growth of just 0.3% this year with inflation topping 43%.

Independent analysts say power shortages, a plunging rial and tighter US sanctions have pushed the economy toward stagnation.

Shaghaghi warned that unless Iran activates its “engines of growth,” negative GDP growth could emerge as early as 2026. “It is better to set realistic goals in line with our economic conditions and avoid rhetorical targets,” he said.