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Bad loans born of cronyism imperil Iranian banking system

Dalga Khatinoglu
Dalga Khatinoglu

Oil, gas and Iran economic analyst

Jan 16, 2025, 11:37 GMT+0Updated: 11:52 GMT+0
Iran Central Bank headquarters in Tehran
Iran Central Bank headquarters in Tehran

A report by Iran's Central Bank has inadvertently highlighted the pervasiveness of insider dealings and corruption that threaten the integrity of Iran’s entire banking system.

The report published by Tehran-based Aftab News website details a list of significant overdue, non-performing loans owed by bank customers and, in turn, the debts these banks owe to the central bank.

27 major institutional debtors who have borrowed from public and private banks collectively hold approximately 790 trillion rials (about $10 billion at the current free market exchange rate) in non-performing loans.

The loans were issued over several years when the Iranian rial held significantly more value, and with the tanking currency their actual value in today's terms is likely far greater than $10 billion.

A non-performing loan (NPL) is a bank loan that is subject to late repayment or is unlikely to be repaid by the borrower in full.

For instance, over a quarter of the total amount is owed by the Bank of Industry and Mines.

The bank's current CEO, Mahmoud Shayan, started his career as a junior employee at a branch of the National Bank serving religious seminary students in the Shiite holy city of Mashhad and rapidly climbed the ranks to serve as a board member of the National Bank and CEO of Bank Maskan, a real estate bank.

Iran's Bank Melli or National Bank main branch in Tehran
100%
Iran's Bank Melli or National Bank main branch in Tehran

Even Iran's state-controlled media and officials have for years alluded to political insiders leveraging their influence to secure substantial bank loans through companies they or their associates control, often evading repayment obligations.

The largest entity indebted to the country’s banking system is the Middle East Mines and Mineral Industries Development Holding Company (MIDHCO), which has been under US sanctions since 2019.

MIDHCO’s chairman Majid Ghasemi is also the Deputy for Economic Research at the research center of Expediency Council, an official body staunchly opposed to Iran’s adherence to international anti-money laundering standards demanded by the global watchdog, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF).

The second largest banking debtor is Debsh Sabz Gostar, a tea trading company around which a $3.5 billion embezzlement scandal has swirled since 2023.

The third-largest debtor is state-backed automaker SAIPA, which was also active in Syria until 2023.

Following these are steel companies, including Esfahan Steel Company, which bears Iran’s second largest ever embezzlement case after Debsh Sabz Gostar.

Iran's oldest steel plant in Mobarakeh
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Iran's oldest steel plant in Mobarakeh

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) holds a nearly 50% stake in Khuzestan Steel Company, which is also implicated in the broader embezzlement cases of steel companies.

The companies are Iran’s largest steel producers.

The MAPNA Group, the largest electric power plant construction company in Iran, with close ties to IRGC is also the largest debtor to Pasargad Bank, Parsian Bank, and Bank Saderat.

Abbas Aliabadi, a former IRGC commander, served as MAPNA CEO until 2023, is currently the Minister of Industry.

Additionally, Ghadir Investment Company, under direct control of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, whose largest shareholders are entities affiliated with the armed forces, is listed among the 27 largest non-performing debtors in the banking sector, both directly and through its sanctioned subsidiaries.

This massive accumulation of non-performing loans by entities linked to the IRGC comes at a time when the banks themselves are facing significant financial losses.

According to the central bank, the accumulated losses of seven banks reached 540 trillion rials ($6.8 billion) in October 2024.

Notably, Pasargad Bank and Parsian Bank top the list, while they also rank the second and third in term of granting non-performing loans to the 27 major banking debtors.

Profiting from exchange rate volatility

Over the past year, the value of the US dollar has risen by more than half against the Iranian rial, and over the past three years, it has almost tripled.

Real estate prices in Iran have increased even beyond the dollar exchange rate, creating an attractive opportunity for insiders to secure loans from banks and invest in real estate and other sectors.

MIDHCO, the largest banking debtor, saw a 25% jump in investments during the past Persian calendar year ending in March compared to the preceding year, despite an economic crisis gripping the country.

The government itself, the largest debtor, has also intensified borrowing from domestic banks which in turn borrow from the central bank.

The latest central bank statistics reveal that government and state-owned enterprise debt to the central bank jumped by 65% in October compared to the same month in 2023.

Government and state-owned enterprise debts to the overall banking system saw an increase by more than half.

To offset budget deficits caused by reduced oil export revenues due to sanctions, the Iranian government borrows from domestic banks.

These banks, in turn, borrow from the central bank, which has caused their debt to the central bank to double over the past two years.

To cover loans to banks and the government, the central bank has resorted to extensive money printing, resulting in liquidity surges and runaway inflation which are set to only deepen the country’s economic woes.

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When a key advisory body in Iran started revisiting the contentious issue of acceding to international monetary conventions, it not only faced opposition from hardliners but also raised questions about whether the Supreme Leader has moderated his stance.

The Expediency Discernment Council (EDC), reportedly authorized by Ali Khamenei to undertake this review, was created to resolve disputes between the parliament and the Guardian Council, the body responsible for granting final approval to all legislation.

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The current controversy centers on two pieces of legislation required by the FATF to remove Iran from its blacklist: the Palermo Convention on combating transnational organized crime and the CFT Act on combating the financing of terrorism.

Although Parliament approved these laws in 2018, the Guardian Council rejected them, citing conflicts with "resistance economy guidelines," national security policies, and "contradiction with the Sharia".

In November 2018, the matter was referred to the EDC, where it has remained stalled. This prolonged inaction could not have occurred without Khamenei's directive or consent.

Approval by two-thirds of the EDC's 43 current members is needed to finalize the two long-delayed pieces of legislation.

Who supports and opposes FATF-required accession?

Accession to the conventions has been a contentious issue in the Iranian political scene since 2016, largely due to the significant restrictions Iran faces on its relations with international banks and foreign trade as a result of being on the FATF blacklist.

Pezeshkian repeatedly called for accession to the FATF’s conventions during his campaign as a crucial move to prevent the country’s financial isolation. His government says a final resolution of the matter may be near.

The former nuclear negotiator, hardliner Saeed Jalili, who ran against Pezeshkian in the July snap presidential elections, is currently a member of the Expediency Discernment Council (EDC). He has the support of EDC members and some lawmakers in Parliament.

In a fiery anti-American speech recently, ultra-hardliner lawmaker Mehdi Koochakzadeh slammed the efforts to accede to anti-money laundering conventions under the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) as tantamount to “approving servitude to America.”

In a letter earlier this week to the Chairman of the Expediency Discernment Council (EDC), Sadegh Amoli-Larijani, 120 lawmakers argued that accession to the Palermo and CFT conventions would not benefit the Iranian nation. They contended that such a move would only “escalate the problems resulting from sanctions” and enable the US to uncover Iran's methods of circumventing them.

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However, as in many other cases, a subtle indication through unofficial channels from Khamenei may turn some of them.

Why is a decision on FATF legislation important?

The FATF recommends "enhanced due diligence" for transactions involving blacklisted countries. This makes financial dealings with Iran costly, risky, and time-consuming for international institutions. Countries may also apply countermeasures, such as terminating banking relationships, prohibiting transactions, or imposing additional audit requirements.

Resolving FATF-related issues would reduce these barriers, potentially facilitating greater access to international financial markets and alleviating economic pressure on Iran.

What steps has Iran taken to meet FATF’s requirements?

In 2016, under President Hassan Rouhani, Iran agreed to an FATF action plan to move from the blacklist to the gray list.

By 2020, however, the FATF reinstated Iran on its blacklist due to its failure to complete the action plan.

The global anti-money laundering task force, therefore, urged its members to continue to advise their financial institutions to apply enhanced due diligence to business relationships and transactions with natural and legal persons from Iran.

37 of the 41 recommendations to the Iranian government that the FATF made in 2016, including a cash declaration regime, were accepted by Iran and relevant legislation was introduced in these areas. But the counter-terrorism financing remains the toughest hurdle in Iran as hardliners argue that it would restrict Iran’s ability to assist their proxy groups abroad.