Iran International
Hardline Iranian lawmaker Hamid Rasaei has sparked intense controversy after publishing a social media post that many interpreted as an indirect swipe at Mojtaba Khamenei, drawing sharp criticism from supporters of the Islamic Republic.
The backlash began after Rasaei shared a post titled "Who is Qualified for Leadership?" on his Telegram channel on Thursday. Many observers interpreted the post as a veiled reference to Mojtaba Khamenei, Iran's new Supreme Leader.
In the post, Rasaei highlighted a verse from Surah Hud containing God's direct response to Noah regarding his drowned son. In the verse, God states that the son is not truly part of Noah’s family due to his disbelief and unrighteous conduct, warning Noah against questioning divine matters beyond his knowledge.
Because this religious story is widely known among Iranians, the idiom “Noah’s son” is frequently used in Iranian culture to describe a wicked or rebellious child who falls into bad company despite having pious parents.
Allegations of disrespecting the Leader
Some media outlets, several political figures from various factions, and many social media users said that in this post, he had implicitly characterized Mojtaba Khamenei as an unrighteous, wayward son of his father.
"What is the relevance of bringing up the issue of leadership under the current circumstances—when the late martyr-leader's righteous son has succeeded him, and especially at a time when enemies are manufacturing rumors about this every single day—and then referencing the verse about Noah’s son? What on earth was Rasaei’s motive for spinning such a ridiculous, convoluted narrative?,” Asr-e Iran website wrote.
Ruhollah Jomei, a journalist and official under the Rouhani administration, suggested that Rasaei’s post effectively revealed plans by Saeed Jalili's camp and the Paydari Front to undermine Mojtaba Khamenei's leadership.
Mohammad-Hossein Chavoshi, a conservative political activist, also wrote in a post: "What is the meaning of Mr. Rasaei’s message? No matter how we look at it, it leaves a bad impression," and he demanded accountability from him.
Attacking Ghalibaf despite Khamenei's praise
Rasaei’s post was notably published on the exact same day that Mojtaba Khamenei issued a written message to Parliament. In his statement, Khamenei expressed appreciation for Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf’s leadership, while emphasizing the need to avoid factional disputes and maintain national unity.
“Why did he post the note right after the Leader’s message thanking Ghalibaf?” one social media user questioned.
Ghalibaf, recently appointed as the head of Iran's nuclear negotiating team, is widely considered to be Khamenei's right-hand man. Nevertheless, Rasaei—who remains fiercely critical of the parliament speaker—warned him in a separate Saturday post against "repeating the mistakes" of Hassan Rouhani and Mohammad-Javad Zarif by relying on nuclear diplomacy and "pinning hopes on talks."
Who is Hamid Rasaei?
Hamid Rasaei was one of the key members of the Paydari (Steadfastness) Front, but by his own account—left the party because of differences with other members of the party's central council over a decade ago.
By his own admission, however, he feels a strong ideological closeness to the hardline party.
The Paydari Party and like-minded groups, often referred to as “super-revolutionaries”, are vehemently opposed to any negotiation or compromise with the United States, viewing it as a betrayal of the 'ideals of the Islamic Revolution' as well as the viewpoints of Ali Khamenei.
Rasaei’s defense
Rasaei defended himself by publishing another note, saying he had simply reshared an older piece of his writing and that it was published several hours before Mojtaba Khamenei’s message.
He insisted that he was among the very first to vouch for Mojtaba’s personal qualifications for leadership, even introducing him as a suitable option for leadership two days after the news of Ali Khamenei's killing was announced.
Mehdi Ghasemzadeh, a social media activist, wrote that based on the Leader's recommendation, it might be better to accept Rasaei's explanations and avoid fueling disputes.
However, he noted that if someone from another political group had written such a note, it would have triggered protests by Rasaei's like-minded allies at nightly gatherings of government supporters.
The poster, announcing a memorial ceremony at the Abdol-Azim shrine in Rey, south of Tehran, lists Zahra Sadat Haddad-Adel, Boshra Hosseini Khamenei, Mesbah al-Hoda Bagheri and Zahra Mohammadi Golpayegani as among the dead.
Each name connects the Khamenei household to one of the families or institutions that have shaped the Islamic Republic’s political, cultural and administrative elite for decades: the parliament, the Supreme Leader’s office, the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution, Imam Sadegh University and the network of institutions around the leader’s office.
The ceremony itself is religious and familial. But the names on the poster point to something larger: a closed circle of family relationships through which access, influence and institutional power have long moved inside the Islamic Republic.
The Haddad-Adel connection
One of the most recognizable names is Zahra Sadat Haddad-Adel, wife of Mojtaba Khamenei and daughter of Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel.
Haddad-Adel served as speaker of Iran’s seventh parliament from 2004 to 2008 and is known as the first non-clerical speaker of the Islamic Republic’s parliament. He also served as a lawmaker in several parliamentary terms and remains head of the Academy of Persian Language and Literature.
His influence extends beyond parliament. He is a member of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution, an adviser to the slain Supreme Leader and founder of the private Farhang school, which critics have described as one of the symbols of special educational access for families close to the ruling system.
For critics, Haddad-Adel’s presence across political, cultural and educational institutions, combined with his family tie to the Khamenei household, reflects the concentration of power within a limited circle of families close to the state.
His name also appears on the US Treasury Department’s sanctions list.
Imam Sadegh University and the Bagheri Kani family
The name Mesbah al-Hoda Bagheri draws attention to another powerful network: the Bagheri Kani family and the institutions around Imam Sadegh University.
Mesbah al-Hoda Bagheri Kani was the husband of Hoda Khamenei, Ali Khamenei’s daughter, and the son of Mohammad-Bagher Bagheri Kani, an influential cleric who served in the Assembly of Experts and headed Imam Sadegh University.
The same family also includes Ali Bagheri Kani, a senior diplomat who has held key posts in Iran’s foreign policy establishment, including political deputy foreign minister, acting foreign minister, senior nuclear negotiator and senior positions in the Supreme National Security Council.
Their uncle, Mohammad-Reza Mahdavi Kani, was one of the Islamic Republic’s most influential clerics. He served as head of the Assembly of Experts, secretary-general of the Combatant Clergy Association, briefly as prime minister in 1981, and for decades as head of Imam Sadegh University.
Imam Sadegh University expanded after the 1979 revolution and became one of the main training grounds for state managers. Many officials in Iran’s political, security, media and diplomatic institutions are graduates of Imam Sadegh University.
Through these links, the Bagheri Kani family connects the Khamenei household to one of the Islamic Republic’s most important pipelines for training and placing loyal officials in diplomacy, security, politics and state administration.
The Supreme Leader’s office
Another name on the poster, Zahra Mohammadi Golpayegani, points directly to the Supreme Leader’s office.
The 14-month-old child was connected to two of the most influential families in the Islamic Republic. On one side, she was the granddaughter of Mohammad Mohammadi Golpayegani, the longtime head of Ali Khamenei’s office. On the other, she was a granddaughter of Ali Khamenei.
Mohammad Mohammadi Golpayegani headed the Supreme Leader’s office since 1989, the year Khamenei became leader. He is one of the most influential but least publicly visible figures in the Islamic Republic’s power structure.
Because of his position, Golpayegani has played a central role in the messages, decisions and administrative machinery of the leader’s office. The US Treasury sanctioned him in 2019 over his role acting on behalf of that office.
His family link to Khamenei, as reflected in the name of Zahra Mohammadi Golpayegani, shows how the leader’s office is not only an institution but also part of a wider web of personal and familial ties.
Boshra Khamenei
The poster also lists Boshra Hosseini Khamenei, Ali Khamenei’s eldest daughter.
Unlike some other members of the Khamenei family, Boshra Khamenei has rarely appeared in public, and little information has been published about her personal life or activities.
In recent weeks, state media have referred to her as “martyr Boshra Khamenei.” Some reports have mentioned her educational background and interest in literature.
Tabnak, in a report framed as a student’s note for “martyr Boshra Khamenei,” referred to her as “Ms. Hosseini” and described her connection to education and literature.
Her presence on the poster alongside the other names brings the focus back to the Khamenei family itself, a household that has remained mostly shielded from public life while remaining central to the structure of power.
A compressed image of power
The memorial poster is striking because it brings together four names that would otherwise appear in different corners of the Islamic Republic’s elite: the Haddad-Adel family, the Bagheri Kani family, the Mohammadi Golpayegani family and the Khamenei household.
Together, they form a compressed image of how power has been organized around the leader’s family and its closest allies.
For critics of the Islamic Republic, the connections point to a familiar pattern: influence concentrated among a small circle of trusted families whose proximity to the leader’s office can open paths across the state.
The memorial in Rey is therefore more than a family or religious ceremony. It offers a glimpse of how, at the top of the Islamic Republic, family names often double as signs of political access, institutional reach and long-standing power.
