Calls To Boycott Iran's Football Team Serving Political Ends

Iran's Student Union Council, communicating through its Telegram channel, disclosed that at least five students from Soore University in Tehran have been suspended prior to the commencement of the new semester.

The council claimed the suspension of the students was executed through recent “unlawful procedures within the country's universities,” bypassing the necessity of convening a disciplinary committee meeting.

According to KhabarOnline, authorities have resorted to terms like "termination of cooperation" instead of expulsion, citing academic reasons for ceasing collaboration with the professors.

Additionally, KhabarOnline's investigation indicates that over the past two years, approximately 60 professors from universitiesacross the country have faced expulsion, suspension, or coercion to resign. Notably, the University of Tehran and Tehran University of Medical Sciences have seen the highest number of expulsions or suspensions, with 26 professors affected.

Since the uprising of 2022, dozens of professorshave been expelled using excuses such as forced retirement as the regime cracks down on dissent.

Students were a driving force during the Women, Life, Freedom uprising sparked by the death in morality-police custody of Mahsa Amini, arrested for the 'inappropriate' wearing of her hijab. Thousands of students led protests and were arrested for protesting against the ever brutal crackdowns from the regime.

Those refusing to wear hijab have been excluded from education. It has resulted in the expulsion of hundreds in the wake of the unrest. 

Taghi Azad Armaki, a Tehran University academic argued in an interview that “the Iranian society has made a decision to disengage from the country's political system, preferring to pursue their own paths. Armaki argued that activists should not wait for the system's collapse or a potential war.”

Armaki pointed out that the new generation of Iranians primarily seeks a simple and peaceful life, devoid of political entanglements. He noted the widespread apathy towards political developments, including the upcoming elections in Iran, as people from various backgrounds and political affiliations have tirelessly strived for change over the past century, only to become disillusioned with politicians. The younger generation, in particular, tends to disregard political matters and the government altogether.

He clarified, "It is not that the Iranian society is indifferent. The issue is that the people want nothing to do with the government. Armaki attributed this disillusionment to various factors, including the perceived absurdity of elections, such as the Assembly of Experts election, where President Ebrahim Raisi is the sole candidate for his constituency and can secure a seat with just his own vote.

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Reformist journalist and political activist Ahmad Zeidabadi echoed these sentiments, questioning the legitimacy of elections where a candidate can be elected with a single vote they cast themselves. "When Ebrahim Raisi can be elected to the Assembly of Experts with only one vote to represent the Southern Khorasan Province, based on what definition this can be called an election?” Zeidabadi emphasized the financial burden of such elections on the people and the futility of holding elections when the ultimate decision-making power remains outside the public's reach.

Armaki also noted that his generation was willing to take up arms against the political system before the 1979 revolution, whereas the Generation Z participants in the nationwide protests of 2022 did not entertain the idea of armed struggle.

He further highlighted that previous high voter turnouts had created an illusion of popularity among government insiders. However, recent elections with significantly lower turnout rates indicate that voters are not supporting specific candidates or political groups but seeking substantial change.

Armaki, like other academics such as Mohammad Ghasim Osmani, emphasized the growing disconnect between the Iranian people and the government. While the society still exists, it has disengaged from the government, reflecting a sense of hopelessness rather than despair. The government, on the other hand, has isolated itself within its own circles.

Referring to the current government, Armaki said: "Raisi has gathered a group of illiterate youngsters around himself. It is good to have young officials, but these officials should be able to bring about change.”

Armaki also commented on the situation of female lawmakers in the Iranian parliament, noting that they may appear as women, but often express views aligned with hardliner male counterparts. He questioned the government's emphasis on encouraging more children when it comes at a high cost. Additionally, he lamented the sight of young Iranians unable to care for their elderly relatives due to financial constraints.

Some other Iranian academics have taken a more radical stance on the situation in Iran. Bijan Abdolkarimi has even declared the Islamic revolution dead. He has criticized the government for attempting to address modern problems with outdated seminary knowledge and for lacking an understanding of freedom, leading to a dangerous widening gap between the people and the government.

According to the few journalists who have since been released, their possessions such as mobile phones have been confiscated but details of the charges and the entity involved in the arrests have not been announced. Six people, including senior editors, are still being held in the building. Officials also conducted an extensive investigation at the office of Fardaye Eghtesad website.

Mizan, the official news agency of the judiciary of the Islamic Republic, issued a statement Tuesday, explaining that their investigations show that the security raid to the office of the newspaper and the arrest of an economic journalist had no connection to journalistic or media activities. The judiciary said that the case is being followed by another security authority in the country, which is mainly theintelligence apparatus in such cases.

Etemad Online reported on Tuesday that journalist Mehdi Afsharnik, whose arrest was also announced Monday, was detained on Wednesday, January 31, while the reason and the entity behind his detention are still not clear.

Criticism has emerged regarding the lack of transparency from official authorities, with no clear explanation provided for nearly 20 hours following the incident. Some journalists have described the action as tantamount to “hostage-taking.”

In Iran, journalists have been under pressure for years and are detained, imprisoned, and banned from work under various pretexts.

Last year's Freedom House report on global freedoms ranked Iran 12th in the 100 least free countries in the world.

In the 12 months following the Women, Life, Freedom uprising of 22, at least 79 journalists had been arrested, with the trend continuing, according to rights group Reporters Without Borders.

“Sepehr Shirani was killed in a suspicious manner. Anyone who has been involved in his killing should be punished,” Mowlavi Abdolhamid Esmaeil-Zehi said in his Friday sermon on February 2.

Shirani, a 19-year-old student from the small town of Fanuj in the southwest of Sistan and Baluchestan Province of Iran, went missing Tuesday, January 30. He lived and studied in the provincial capital Zahedan.

According to Haalvsh, a website dedicated to human rights issues and events in Sistan-Baluchestan, Shirani’s family found out that he was in the custody of the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) Intelligence Organization (SAS) after checking with local police and security authorities. They were told he had been detained for his social media activities but would be released “after a few questions”.

An informed source told Haalvsh that Shirani’s body, shot in the head, was discovered early Thursday morning on the rooftop of the apartment building where he lived. His family say they had not been informed of his release and he had returned to his home.

The public and revolutionary prosecutor of Sistan and Baluchestan, Mehdi Shamsabadi, on Thursday denied reports of Shirani’s death under torture at IRGC’s detention facility in Zahedan.

Shamsabadi also denied Shirani’s arrest by security agencies and said preliminary information indicate that he committed suicide.

Rasad Baluchestan, a Telegram channel dedicated to news on the Baluchi ethnic population of Iran, quoted Shirani’s relatives as saying that the claim of suicide is false and he was beaten to death by a stick in the custody of the intelligence ministry.

According to Haalvsh, authorities only consented to hand over Shirani’s body to his family for burial after forcing them pledge to keep quiet about the circumstances of his death.

Shirani was buried in his hometown of Fanuj Friday. The Telegram channel of Baluch Activists Campaign has released a video of the burial.

Burial of Shirani’s body in his hometown of Fanuj.

Haalvsh which also claims the family have been forced into silence reported on Friday that Shirani’s body showed bruises resulting from being whipped and his right arm was broken.

The situation in Iran's southeastern Baluch region including the city of Zahedan has been very tense since September 30, 2022. Security forces opened fire on protesters on that day, day which is now often referred to as the Bloody Friday and killed nearly 90 including women and children.

Since Bloody Friday, local Sunnis have protested every week after Friday prayers. Many who worked at Makki Mosque, where the Friday prayers are held, or were associated with the mosque and its charismatic leader Abdolhamid have been arrested in the past year.

An informed source told Haalvsh that security forces had warned Shirani about his support for the weekly protests in Zahedan on social media as well as helping the security of Makki Mosque as a volunteer. The source claimed that Shirani had refused to obey the security forces’ demand not to post anything about the protests.

According to reports, Iran's best-known filmmakers refused to attend the opening gala, critics criticized the organizers for their poor programming, and artists confronted officials for various reasons. The festival has become a political tool in the hands of hardliners to punish independent filmmakers and promote their loyalists.

Elnaz Shakerdoost, an actress who received awards in previous years, purchased a ticket last week to attend the festival movie house in Tehran where her new film, “Without A Body,” was being screened since she was not even invited to the opening ceremony. Shakerdoost decided to take the stage and address the audience about censorship.

The actress, considered a superstar, had been barred from official ceremonies due to her support of the 2022 protests in Iran and her advocacy for Iranian women defying compulsory hijab. She managed to make her way to the stage at the end of her movie and declare, "This is not a festival; this is a cultural war." As officials raised the music volume to drown out her speech, she added, "The officials screen the films they cannot find a reason to ban in the 'new look' section and effectively bury the movies alive forever."

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The festival this year, decided to pay tribute to director Parviz Sheikh-Tadi, known for making movies in support of the regime’s ideology. He is best known for his film, “Saturday Hunter,” full of conspiracy theories about Zionists controlling the world. Culture Minister Mohammad Mehdi Esmaili and two of the festival's officials ushered him to the stage, believing in his revolutionary credentials, unaware of any potential change in his views over the years.

Onstage, Sheikh-Tadi presented a tie as a gift to the Minister to make him appear tidy and serious, highlighting that hardliners in Iran used to cut people's ties, viewing them as a symbol of Western civilization. To embarrass the officials further, he took out a woman's headscarf and stated that it was futile to force women to wear it. The audience gave him a standing ovation, and the officials wore forced smiles, worried about what might happen next. The audience applauded every word Sheikh-Tadi uttered during his powerful protest act.

One film critic commented, "The videos and pictures of the event went viral, offering a valuable lesson for the officials. However, based on experience, we shouldn't be too optimistic." He pointed out that Sheikh Tadi shared political affiliations with the officials, making his message particularly impactful. "Who else should have told them what they needed to hear?" 

Yet another embarrassment came as Asghar Naimi, a filmmaker and a former journalist tried to enter the festival's venue to watch his film, “Two days Later,” with the audience. The festivals officials and the organizers' representatives did not recognize him and violently tried to stop him. Naimi, a strong man, forcefully made his way inside while chastising the officials, who seemed clueless about the festival's essence.

Naimi later commented that "those who fund the movies through connections with the state should stop ignoring Iran's independent cinema."

Even during its best periods under President Mohammad Khatami's reformist government (1997-2005), the Fajr Film Festival, dedicated to paying tribute to the 1979 Islamic revolution, remained a caricature of the pre-revolution Tehran International Film Festival, which showcased the best of Iranian and world cinema and attracted giants from the global film industry.